Posts Tagged ‘Palestine’

“It’s only going to be temporary and things are likely to get worse again”

Monday, January 28th, 2008

Here is a probably correct comment from a rueful Palestinian interviewed by The Guardian in Al-Arish, the northern Sinai: ” ‘We were hoping that opening the borders with Egypt would bring us relief’, he said. ‘But it doesn’t solve the problem. It’s only going to be temporary and things are likely to get worse again’.” Comment from an article in The Guardian here.

UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion

Sunday, January 27th, 2008

At the end of a week’s visit to the oPt (0ccupied Palestinian territory) the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief of the United Nations Human Rights Council, Asma Jahangir, made a statement, from which here are extended excerpts:

“The visit has been both fascinating and disturbing for me. This is a land blessed with a rich diversity and important holy sites of many religions. Yet, this very diversity, which should have been a blessing, tragically has polarized people on the lines of religion. Indeed, the conflict has an adverse impact on the right of individuals and communities to worship freely and to attend religious services at their respective holy places. I have noticed that people of all religions have the will and aspiration to live side by side in peace. There are outstanding examples where despite conflict and religious polarization people have been able to extend respect and tolerance to each other’s religions and beliefs. There have been encouraging instances of inter-faith and intra-faith dialogue on various levels. At the same time I have also met individuals who bear resentments against other religions and their adherents.

“A major issue of concern for my mandate is the restricted access to holy places. Muslims and Christians are impeded from worshipping at some of their most holy places in the world due to an elaborate system of permits, visas, checkpoints and the Barrier. While the Israeli Government informed me that these restrictions are necessary for security reasons, I would like to emphasize that any measure taken to combat terrorism must comply with the States’ obligations under international law, including freedom of religion or belief. These intrusive restrictions strike me as disproportionate to their aim as well as discriminatory and arbitrary in their implementation. My concern also extends to problems of access to holy places revered by Jews.
In addition, I was more than surprised to learn about the subtle differences with regard to indicating religious affiliation on official ID cards. While Israeli citizens’ ID cards no longer state the holder’s ethnicity, those of Palestinians residents of the oPt do disclose their religion. In my opinion, to indicate the religious affiliation on official ID cards carries a serious risk of abuse, which has to be weighed against the possible reasons for disclosing the holder’s religion.

“During my talks with members of religious minorities in Israel, my interlocutors have by and large acknowledged that there is no religious persecution by the State. Within the Israeli democracy, I would like to emphasize the important role that the Supreme Court has played in the past and can play for safeguarding freedom of religion or belief.   However, strands within the Christian, Jewish and Muslim faiths have experienced different forms of discrimination. There are concerns that the State gives preferential treatment to the Orthodox Jewish majority in Israel to the detriment not only of other religious or belief communities but also of other strands of Judaism. For example, conversion to Judaism within Israel is only recognised if performed by the Orthodox Rabbinate. Another concern is the urgent need to preserve and protect Christian and Muslim holy sites; many of those have been made inaccessible or neglected since decades, while Jewish places have appropriately been designated as holy sites and hence protected. Further concerns have been raised with regard to unfair allocation of subsidies at the expense of religious minorities and strands. I have also received reports that the religious rights of detainees are not fully respected. I will be dealing with these issues in more depth in my report to the Human Rights Council.

“Personal status questions in both Israel and the oPt show the delicate relationship between State and religion. Even though the various religious courts for historical reasons have the jurisdiction for issues such as marriage and divorce this does not absolve the authorities from their responsibility to ensure equal treatment and the implementation of human rights for all individuals. I find it difficult to understand that under domestic law persons can be deemed to be ‘unmarriagable’; in this regard I was informed that more than 200.000 Israeli citizens and residents with no official religious designation are barred from marrying in Israel. I wish to emphasize that freedom of religion or belief also includes the right not to believe.

“This brings me to the contentious question of conversion, which socially speaking is considered a taboo and is restricted by religious laws. In Israel, offering or receiving inducements for conversion is also prohibited by the domestic law. Hence, some small communities in Israel have refrained from proselytising. In the oPt, the few conversions which have taken place, particularly when involving interfaith relationships, have been followed by serious tensions and in some cases violence.

“Women seem to be in a particularly vulnerable situation and bear the brunt of religious zeal. I was informed about cases of honour killings carried out with impunity in the oPt in the name of religion. Reportedly some women in Gaza have recently felt coerced to cover their heads not out of religious conviction but out of fear.

“Further apprehensions concerning the situation in the oPt have been expressed by minority communities, including some small Christian groups, who fear a rising level of religious intolerance. In October 2007, a Christian librarian in Gaza city was threatened and subsequently kidnapped and killed. The question whether he was engaging in missionary activities or not is entirely irrelevant. This was a hideous crime and also a violation of his right to manifest his religion or belief. I welcome that the representatives of the Palestinian Authority who I met expressed concern and had taken note of these incidents … In my report I will recommend that all parties to a possible peace agreement bind themselves legally to protect the rights of religious minorities. Particular attention should be paid to include guarantees for equality and non-discrimination based on religion as well as for the preservation and peaceful access to holy sites.

“A major challenge, which needs to be addressed immediately, if we are to avoid deterioration, is to effectively prohibit and sanction incitement to religious hatred. Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights clearly states that any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law. However, impunity for incitement is a concern. Any violence committed in the name of religion, whether violent acts by zealous settlers or even worse in the form of suicide bombings by militant Islamists, should be denounced, investigated and sanctioned. Furthermore, it is particularly worrying when children are being incited to express hatred toward those with a different religious affiliation.

“Today is a sobering day. We solemnly mark the International Day of Commemoration in memory of the victims of the Holocaust. I join the United Nations Secretary-General in saying: ‘We remember those whose rights were brutally desecrated at Auschwitz and elsewhere, and in genocides and atrocities since. We vow to apply the lessons of the Holocaust to our lives and to those of succeeding generations’.”

What Does This Mean? – cont’d

Friday, December 21st, 2007

More “What does this mean?” –

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said this at the weekly cabinet meeting on Sunday, according to the Israeli Government Press Office:

“We certainly support the strengthening of the PA and the appropriate international mobilization in order to bring about an improvement of the Palestinian residents’ daily lives, especially by upgrading their own economic infrastructure that will not be dependent on the State of Israel once the appropriate administrative institutions are established. As I have said, this includes – first and foremost – proper law-enforcement organizations and systematic action against the terrorist organizations.  We are cooperating with the International Quartet Envoy, former UK
Prime Minister Tony Blair. We will continue to cooperate with him and will help him in strengthening projects on the agenda”.

Tamim Barghouti – Palestine is the home I struggle to have

Saturday, December 1st, 2007

From Ghaleb, who I thank for this, I have learned of this review (written by Amira Howeidy in Al-Ahram) of this electrifying Palestinian* poet’s reappearance in Cairo in 2005: “The last time his name was seen in the news — March 2003 — it was in connection with being arrested and deported to Amman for participating in the anti-war protests on the eve of the US/ UK-led war on Iraq. A week later, Al-Barghouti wrote a poem in colloquial Egyptian Arabic with the intriguing title ‘Alluli betheb Masr‘ (They asked me, do you love Egypt), which circulated rapidly and widely on the Internet before appearing in Akhbar Al-Adab, Cairo’s best known literary journal. The poem was in a sense typical. Then 26 years old, a PhD candidate, Al-Barghouti, the son of Egyptian novelist Radwa Ashour and Palestinian poet Mourid Al-Barghouti, expresses his complex emotions about Egypt, his birthplace and the country where he grew up, often separated from his father (Mourid Al- Barghouti was deported the year his only son was born, and for 15 years, this small family could only meet on holidays), and out of which he was suddenly and unjustly evicted. Images of fear, love, passion and nostalgia alternate with bitter sarcasm and angry political critique. To many the poem marked the beginning of a shift in Egypt’s political climate: it reflected much of what Al-Barghouti calls ‘the collective consciousness” of a new and unusually politically engaged generation. Ironically, on his deportation, the poem sealed his claim to fame … Fascination with his father’s poetry formed only part of the drive to study ‘the language of heroes’, as the seven-year-old Tamim attempted to write his first poem. Of the next 20 years’ yield of poetry — and Al- Barghouti is remarkably prolific — the Egypt and Iraq diwans seem to stand out. Since his first and second collections of poems — Mijana, written in Palestinian colloquial and published in 1999 in Ramallah and El-Manzar (The Scene), in Egyptian colloquial, published by Dar El-Sherouk in 2000, Al-Barghouti has established himself as a master of Arabic language and history — an achievement unmatched in his generation of literati. The poet, who at the age of 28 also teaches political science the American University in Cairo, strives to counter the collective Arab depression, according to which ‘nothing matters’ — a mood that robs people of confidence and concern. (In this sense, indeed, he is a breath of fresh air to many Arab nationalists and others concerned about the gradual extinction of political as much as poetic identity.) The depression, he says, ‘has reached language — we think our language and moral codes are not good enough, men think girls are not pretty enough, girls think men are not men enough’. He pauses, laughing…We do not have that luxury because we do have something worth fighting for. The Arabic language is beautiful, girls are pretty, men are men — and the land is the land. And, yes, a million shoes are stepping on us but the feeling that we deserve this is completely useless. Despite all our failures, we don’t deserve it.” Amira Howeidy’s profile of Tamim Barghouthi was published in Al-Ahram Weekly here.

* I write that Tamim Barghouti is Palestinian, knowing that his father is Palestinian and his mother is Egyptian. From Sameh, who is of exactly the same origins, I have learned that while Egyptian mothers can normally give their nationality to their children — unless the father is Palestinian, in which case, the children must remain Palestinian only…in order not to dilute their wish to return…

As explained in Al-Ahram weekly in August 2006, “Since the groundbreaking decision by President Hosni Mubarak in September 2003 to amend the nationality law to allow the offspring of Egyptian mothers and foreign fathers to become Egyptian citizens (thousands of individuals became citizens) … Still, the nationality law prohibits children of Egyptian mothers and foreign fathers from joining either the Egyptian army or police, or filling certain governmental posts. Also, children of Palestinian fathers are not eligible for Egyptian citizenship. While this seems unfair … it is in accordance with Arab League Decree 1547 for 1959. The decree calls for the preservation of the Palestinian identity as an integral part of the Palestinian cause, and prevents it from assimilating into the identity of the host country“.  This explanation is published here.

To see and hear Tamim Barghouti recite his poem on Jerusalem, click here.

Annapolis Conference: Abbas says Palestinians, too, have lived through a Holocaust

Tuesday, November 27th, 2007

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told the Annapolis conference just now that the duty of all present was to spread hope where there is now an absence of hope — among the Palestinian people.

Palestinian President Mahmoud then spent a large part of his speech to address his own people. In summary paraphrase, that the duty of the conference was to spread hope: “To those Palestinians in the refugee camps, and in the in the diaspora, he said, I do recognize that each one of you has lived through his (or her) own pain, through years of tragedy and occupation: Please don’t be depressed. Don’t lose hope. The whole world is stretching its hand to us, to help us overcome our tragedy and holocaust“.

To the people in Gaza, he said, “You are at the core of my heart”. He promised that he would work to end their suffering … soon.

Abbas also said: “I have the right here to defend openly and with no hesitation the right of my people to see a new dawn, with no occupation, no settlement, no separation wall, no prisons with thousands of prisoners, no assassinations, no siege, and no roadblocks around villages and cities”.

Uh-oh, Israeli mayor to unveil a “Marshall Plan” for Jerusalem

Tuesday, November 20th, 2007

Jerusalem is one of the major “core issues” that is supposed to be dealt with in Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, if they ever get off the ground. Is Israel about to definitively pre-judge the question?

The Israeli Government Press Office has alerted journalists to a major press conference on Wednesday, in which “The Mayor of Jerusalem, Uri Lupolianski, will reveal tomorrow a comprehensive ‘Marshall Plan’ to upgrade the main business center of eastern Jerusalem. In addition, plans for massive building in eastern Jerusalem and for developing the Muslim Quarter in the Old City will be presented. This is the most comprehensive plan concerning the eastern part of the city since the reunification of Jerusalem. The press conference will be held tomorrow, Wednesday, November 21st, 10:00, at the Jerusalem city hall”…

Israel has declared that Jerusalem is its “eternal and undivided” capital. The Palestinians say that East Jerusalem — the part not occupied by Israel in 1948, but then seized by the IDF in June 1967 — will be the capital of the Palestinian State. Recent Israeli talk about giving back some of those areas of East Jerusalem to the Palestinian Authority has been extremely upsetting to Palestinian residents, whose lives may be about to be disrupted yet again. The offer to return some of these areas, however, appears to be motivated more by “demographic” concerns than by any desire to find a real and workable peaceful solution — the idea seems to be to get rid of as many Palestinians as possible…

Is there any realistic alternative to a two-state solution?

Friday, November 16th, 2007

Here are a few excerpts from remarks made by veteren Israeli peace activist Uri Avnery, taken from a transcript of a Gush Shalom debate about a One State vs. a Two State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict:

Avniery: “There are three basic questions about the one-state idea: First: Is it possible at all?
Second: If it were possible, is it a good idea? Third: Will it bring a Just Peace?

“About the first question, my answer is a clear and unequivocal No. It is not possible.

“Anybody who is rooted in the Israeli-Jewish public knows that this public’s deepest aspiration – and here it is permissible to make a generalization – the far far deepest aspiration is to make a state with a Jewish majority, a state where Jews will be the masters of their fate. This takes precedence over any other wish and aspiration, it takes precedence even over having a Greater Israel.

“You can talk of a Single State from the Mediterranean to the Jordan River, define it as bi-national or supra-national – whatever the term used, in practice in means dismantling the State of Israel, destruction of all that was built for five generations. This must be said out loud, without any evasions. That is exactly how the Jewish public sees it, and certainly also a large part of the Palestinian public. This means the dismantling of the State of Israel. I am a bit disturbed by the fact that these words are not said explicitly.

+We want to change very many things in this country. We want to change its historical narrative, it’s commonly-held definition as ‘Jewish and democratic’. We want to end occupation outside and discrimination inside. We want to build a new framework in the relations between the state and its Arab-Palestinian citizens. But you cannot ignore the basic ethos of the vast majority of the citizens of Israel. 99.99% of the Jewish Public do not want to dismantle the state …

“There are those who say: it already exists. Israel already rules one state from the sea to the river, you only need to change the regime. So, first of all: there is no such thing. There is an occupying state and an occupied territory. It is far easier to dismantle a settlement, to dismantle settlements, to dismantle ALL the settlements – far easier than to force six million Jews to dismantle their state …

“There can be no doubt that the One State Idea gives its holders moral satisfaction. Somebody told me: OK, maybe it is not realistic, but it is moral, this is where I want to stand. I respect this, but I say: this is a luxury we can’t afford. When we deal with the fate of so many people, a moral position which is not realistic is immoral. Because the final result of such a stance is to perpetuate the existing situation.” Excerpts from Uri Avnery’s remarks in a debate with Ilan Pappe about a Two State vs. a One State solution.

Is it too late for two states?

Friday, November 16th, 2007

Here is a view from Ben White, a writer on Electronic Intifada:
“…The real paradigmatic shift is not to be found in talking about the ‘two-state versus one-state’ solution or anything else in between, because this debate misses the point. It’s not a question of proposing a ‘one-state solution’, but of recognizing the ‘one-state reality’. This has been brought about by Israel’s integration of East Jerusalem and the West Bank into the infrastructure and legal fabric of the Jewish state since 1967, to the extent that there is de facto, if not de jure, annexation. This is plainly observable on the ground when, for example, one drives from Tel Aviv to the Gush Etzion settlement bloc with no discernible shift in territorial sovereignty. The road networks intersecting the West Bank are just one part of the territorial homogeneity from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean. The same aquifers provide water for both Palestinians and Israelis, albeit currently on a discriminatory basis enforced by Israel. From border ‘security buffer zones’ to settlements, the occupied territories have been carved up and colonized, absorbed physically and bureaucratically. Even more tellingly, in the areas of confiscated Palestinian land in the West Bank — what Israeli architect Eyal Weizman has called ‘a non-contiguous archipelago of thousands of separate ‘islands’ ‘ — it is Israeli law that is applied … so that the settlers living in the colonies can enjoy the normal rights afforded to (Jewish) Israeli citizens … it is grossly disingenuous to apocalyptically predict a future one-state solution as guaranteeing a bloodbath or “anti-Jew genocide.” There already is “one state” and the remaining question, and real debate, is over its character. Will different laws and rights continue to be afforded to people on the basis of their ethnicity? Will it be an exclusivist, apartheid state — or a democracy where Jews are no more privileged than Palestinians?” The article on Electronic Intifada is here.

Ottoman power

Thursday, November 8th, 2007

Turkey has invited the President of Israel, Shimon Peres, and the President of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) to address the Turkish Parliament next week.

The Israeli President and the Palestinian President will make their speeches together, in the same session of the Turkish Parliament, on 12 November in Ankara, a senior Turkish diplomat in Jerusalem confirmed on Wednesday.

Does this mean any greater involvement of Turkey in the Middle East peace process? “We will do what they ask us to do”, the senior Turkish diplomat said. “So far, they tell us, just keep on doing what you are already doing”.

The Israeli and Palestinian Presidents have been invited as official guests of Turkey’s President Abdullah Gul.

The Turkish invitation to the Palestinian President was confirmed on Tuesday, when the Turkish Consul-General in Jerusalem, Ercan Ozer, visited the Muqata’a (Palestinian Presidential Headquarters in Ramallah). The Consul-General’s car, a black limousine with a red Turkish flag posted on a small pole on the right side of the car’s hood, was parked inside the court of the Muqata’a, not far from the new light beige-pink stone memorial to the late Yasser Arafat, which is undergoing final touches before its official inauguration next week.
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A Palestinian State – or a “functional solution”?

Sunday, November 4th, 2007

As we come down the stretch to the possible convening of a Middle East peace conference (or “meeting”) in Annapolis later this year, it is worth recalling the words of the late, great, Dr. Haider Abdul Shafi, who led the Palestinian Delegation to the Madrid Conference on 21 October 1991: “Ladies and gentlemen, in the Middle East there is no superfluous people outside time and place, but rather a state sorely missed by time and place – the state of Palestine. Our homeland has never ceased to exist in our minds and hearts, but it has to exist as a state on all the territories occupied by Israel in the war of 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, in the context of that city’s special status and its non-exclusive character. This state, in a condition of emergence, has already been a subject of anticipation for too long. It should take place today, rather than tomorrow…“.

The Palestinian Delegation to the Madrid Peace Conference had to be officially part of the Jordanian delegation, because at that time Israel refused to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization, or PLO, and the Palestinian team insisted they owed their alliegance to the PLO.

Dr. Haider Abdul Shafi’s speech, nonetheless, can be found on the website of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs here.

The Associated Press reported drily from Jerusalem today that “The Palestinians are pushing for a detailed agreement, while Israel wants a more vague document that would give it flexibility. The Palestinians also want a deadline for establishing a Palestinian state, even though earlier deadlines have been set and ignored”. AP’s report from Jerusalem is here.

A Palestinian State has been an unrealized legal possibility for more than 85 years. On at least four occasions during that lapse of time, Palestinians have prepared to declare a Palestinian State in Palestine: in 1948, in 1988, in 1999, and in 2000.

Each attempt was blocked.
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